THE ROLE OF LEGAL PROFESSIONALS IN CONSOLIDATING GHANA?S DEMOCRACY AND GOOD-GOVERNANCE

 Introduction

To talk about Good Governance from the African perspective, we need to make reference to the Durban Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance, which mentions among other things ?just, honest, transparent, accountable, participatory government and probity in public life?. Accordingly, African States in that declaration have agreed to work with renewed determination to enforce the rule of law; equality of all citizens before the law; individual and collective freedoms; the right to participate in free, credible and democratic political process; and adhere to the separation of powers, including protection for the independence of the judiciary.

In the achievement of these goals the role of the legal profession is very significant. I would therefore like to talk about the legal profession within the context of democratic governance. Before addressing this particular issue, I deem it equally important to talk about Ghana?s level of commitment and performance in ensuring democracy and good governance as portrayed in its assessment under the African Peer Review Mechanism.  

Democracy and good governance

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) is a mutually agreed instrument voluntarily acceded to by the member States of the African Union and it is an innovative approach to improving governance. The origin of APRM was the 37th Summit of the Organization of African Unity held in July 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia, adopted a document setting out a new vision for the revival and development of Africa, which was to become known as the New Partnership for Africa?s Development. (NEPAD)

Note that as of June 2005, the APRM Participating Countries were, Algeria, Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda Expressions of Intention to Accede to the APRM have been received from: São Tomé and Príncipe, Sudan, Zambia.

The mandate of the APRM is to encourage conformity in regard to political, economic and corporate governance values, codes and standards, among African countries. Ghana has been a shining example in the APRM process, being among the first group of countries to sign the Memorandum of Understanding on 9 March 2003.

Ghana instituted a National Governing Council in compliance with the requirement for participating countries to have an independent self-assessment of its governance record in  four areas, namely: Democracy and Political Governance; Economic Governance and Management; Corporate Governance; and Socio-Economic Development. This article, however, will focus on Democracy and Political Governance.

To date, Ghanaians have had more than a decade of peaceful and acceptable constitutional rule. Ghana has also been able to change political rulers through the electoral process in a manner generally perceived to be free and fair. The 2000, 2004 and 2008 elections have confirmed the citizens? acceptance of the electoral principle as the legitimate mechanism for acquiring political power and assuming leadership of the institutions of governance. There is a growing sense of relief, confidence and pride amongst Ghanaians that they have, at last, achieved political stability. It is this achievement that has informed the decision of the US President Barrack Obama to choose Ghana as his first country of visit in the Sub-Saharan Africa after becoming a President.  Addressing the Ghanaian Parliament in Accra on 11th July 2009 to outline the US Foreign Policy towards Africa, President Obama confirmed it by saying ?Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is often overlooked by a world that only sees tragedy or a need for charity? The credit is even that, although our system of governance has identified certain major deficiencies in the laws and practice, Ghanaians are confident that they have the freedom, ability and will to rectify these.

Ghanaians have also created unique institutions and processes that other African countries could consider emulating or adapting for their own use. These include the Annual Governance Forum, where stakeholders discuss selected issues on democracy and good political governance. It is held every year since 1998 under the auspices of the National Governance Programme. The other, instituted in 2001 is the People?s Assembly, an annual interaction between the President and the people. The Assembly allows Ghanaians from all walks of life to pose any questions to the President.

The Assembly and the Forum have expanded the political space for ordinary people and have brought the government closer to them. These institutions have certainly demystified the government, rendering it less remote.

Even more remarkable is the fact that, unlike earlier democratic transitions in the country that lasted only for a few years before they were aborted, the current transition has lasted over sixteen years and Ghana continues to move forward as a progressive and democratic state.

In the past, few women hold key decision-making positions in the economic, political and social life of Ghana, and they encounter serious hindrances to their involvement in politics and in public political life. However, the ruling government stipulates 40% representation of women at all levels of governance, on Public Boards, Commissions, the Cabinet and Council of State. 

Rule of law and supremacy of the Ghanaian Constitution

The supremacy of the Constitution and entrenchment of the rule of law are the basic foundations on which all the institutions of governance are grounded. The constitution and the rule of law offer protection of individual life; protection from the government?s arbitrariness or abuse of power; and the assurance that one can enjoy the fruits of one?s labour.

The 1992 Constitution contains ample provisions that entrench the rule of law, and constrain the abuse of power and discretionary authority of those in government positions. The courts have clearly asserted their independent powers of judicial review and are willing to pronounce certain acts or behaviour of the Executive branch of government unconstitutional. Ghana has demonstrated that it is possible for the judiciary to be independent in Africa.

Although the rule of law is a reality in Ghana, some sections of the populace are routinely denied access to justice because they cannot afford legal representation. The high cost of justice in Ghana is of serious concern. Attempt is being made to alleviate the situation by running legal aid facilities, but these are few and insufficiently funded.

The judiciary itself suffers from lack of adequate capacity to administer justice. Availability of office space and courtrooms is a major problem, both at the headquarters in Accra and countrywide. Each year, budgetary allocations have been insufficient to meet the growing infrastructure needs of the judiciary. This affects the easy flow of justice and ultimately compromises the rule of law.

 

Legal provisions recognizing and guaranteeing human rights

In providing a firm constitutional framework for promoting respect for human rights by all Ghanaians and preventing abuses by the State, the 1992 Constitution has been a refreshing improvement on previous constitutions of the country.

Chapter 5 of the Constitution provides not only for civil and political rights, but also for social and economic rights.  Among the civil and political rights enshrined in the 1992 Constitution, are: the right to life, the right to liberty and security of the person, the right to human dignity, the right to equality and freedom from discrimination, the rights of accused, arrested and detained persons, the right to free speech and expression, the rights of political participation, the rights of free association and assembly.

These rights are not absolute. Conditions for deviating from them, usually for reasons of State, are also stipulated in the Constitution.

Several provisions in the 1992 Constitution underscore the democratic rights of Ghanaians, and secure the independence of electoral mechanisms to ensure free and fair electoral processes. The Electoral Commission (EC) and the National Commission for Civic Education (NCCE) promote and protect the fundamental constitutional rights of Ghanaians to participate in political and related activities. The judicial system is designed to protect these rights and offers opportunities for redress by aggrieved persons and groups whose rights are violated or infringed upon.

 

Anti-Corruption and Good Governance

Corruption is a major governance problem in Ghana. However, Ghana has made a remarkable progress in the control of corruption in public life over the past decade. This is attributable to the collaborative effort of Anti-Corruption institutions in Ghana such as:  The Serious Fraud Office (SFO); The Commission on Human Rights and Administration of Justice (CHRAJ); The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI); The Ghana Integrity Initiative (GIL); The Ghana Chapter of Transparency International; and The Security Agencies. Through their contributions and recommendations, several anti-corruption bills have been enacted into law by the Ghanaian Parliament including: Protected Public Interest Disclosure Act, (Whistle Blower Act); Public Procurement Act; Financial Administration Act; and many others.

For the first time in 2007, public hearings of the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament took place and based on this the Attorney General?s Department had set up an Anti-Corruption Unit to study recommendations made by the Committee and to prosecute cases that need to be prosecuted. Several pre-emptive measures are in place to counter money laundering. The measures include Narcotic Enforcement and Sanction Law, 1990; three conventions on terrorism, ratified in 2002; A four-phase action plan designed in 2003 in response to the Inter- Governmental Action on Money Laundering under the aegis of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS); The establishment in 2004 of the Financial Intelligence Unit. Also, complementary efforts have emanated from the operations of banking and non-bonding financial institutions and the law enforcement agencies.

Although Ghana has been enthusiastic in acceding to, and ratifying regional and global standards and codes, a number of key human rights instruments remain to be ratified. These include Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment and UN Convention Against Corruption, (2003). This can weaken the country?s democracy and good governance record. Ghana should consider adopting a binding time-frame within which to accede to the several AU conventions. They include: African Children?s Charter, 1990; Amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union, 2003; AU Convention against Corruption, 2003; Protocol on the African Court of Human and Peoples? Rights, 1998; and Protocol on the African Court of Justice, 2003.

The Role of the Legal Profession

First of all we need to know of the legal profession in Ghana because there is a clear link between the profession itself and the role it is playing in democratic governance

The legal profession allows a qualified lawyer to practice as either a solicitor, barrister or both and can practice in all courts. The General Legal Council is the statutory body regulating the profession and deals with complaints against professional conduct.

The Ghana Bar Association (GBA) is the professional association for lawyers in Ghana.   Membership is not mandatory but all admitted members of the profession are automatically registered as members with the GBA.  Although not built in statute, it is recognized by the Constitution.  As at now 450 firms are recognized by the GBA as being of good-standing.

The legal market is dominated largely by small commercial practices, a number of which are increasingly benefiting from building informal associations with international law firms.

Foreign lawyers are permitted to practice in Ghana provided that they have the required qualifications from their home jurisdiction, a letter of good-standing from their home bar, satisfied by the General Legal Council and pass the required exam in Ghanaian Constitutional law and the Customary Law of Ghana. Non-Ghanaian citizens must demonstrate seven years PQE in a country with a compatible legal system.

The legal professionals in Ghana can take pride in the fact that they have played a central part in the restoration and consolidation of democracy and good governance in the Fourth Republic. This is because, throughout the unconstitutional rule in Ghana, the Ghana Bar Association acted as the opposition, insisting at its congresses on the need to return to civilian democratic rule under a constitution that can guarantee human rights and the rule law

It is of great satisfaction to the profession that the recent elections of December 2008 witnessed a historic, peaceful transfer of power from one democratically elected government to another with cooperation from the judiciary and the legal practitioners. The electoral laws and the constitution have been put to test in courts and have reviled several gaps and overlaps in our electoral system, but the test (though controversial) has given cause to amendments and development of the law. 

The quality of the performance of the legal sector is an important determinant of our prospects for consolidating democracy and good governance. An efficient legal system affords more effective protection of the human rights, freedoms and liberties of the citizenry, and available evidence from reputable studies shows clearly that a well functioning legal system promotes business growth and rising incomes. Where there is no rule of law, formal contracts cannot be respected and enforced, businesses will not grow and investors will not risk their funds.

It is for all these reasons that the Ghanaian government is keenly supporting a wide-ranging programme of legal sector reform, which involves: the mechanization and computerization of the superior courts of record; the fast track system, designed to accelerate judicial output; the reform and enhancement of the capability of key legal sector agencies such as the lower courts and the Ministry of Justice; the reform of the legal and regulatory framework for doing business in Ghana; and the reform of the system of land tenure to permit the modernization of agriculture.

Conclusion

Ghana is making great strides to ensure that it remains one of the most stable countries in the region and to sustain good and democratic governance. In other to achieve this goal certain issues need to be addressed seriously.

The time has come for all the legal professionals to make concerted efforts to change the negative image and ensure the reform of the legal system so that it can deliver improved quality of service to the people. The new administration in Ghana under President Mills believes firmly that an efficient legal system is an integral, vital part of the sort of state and society it wants to build. Our vision of the country is to create a society in which the state protects the vulnerable and the disadvantaged, because the humane society requires that each be his brother or sister’s keeper.

Such a society needs a legal system which can resolve disputes quickly, fairly and cheaply; which can frame the laws and regulations in clear, comprehensible language; which can provide the legal support for a vigorous enterprise economy; which guarantees equal access to justice and equal treatment before the law for all citizens; and which can ensure the supremacy of the rule of law and respect for human rights.

As we can see, the lawyer must make a multifaceted contribution to the new democratic society where probity and accountability are expected of all public officials in the performance of their duties. Specialization is today the way of ensuring excellence of service. We need good constitutional lawyers; good human rights lawyers; good commercial lawyers; lawyers well-versed in arbitration law; lawyers familiar with complex financial instruments; we want lawyers who are on top of the incredible expansion in communications law, cyberspace and e-commerce; who specialize in employment law, tax law, property law, natural resource law and environmental law.

We need also lawyers who understand the new rules of engagement of the international trading system being formed under the aegis of the World Trade Organization (WTO), so that we can take advantage of the rules and not be exploited by them and who will lead the way towards the establishment of a more just and equitable trading system. In the trips – regulated world, we need lawyers who are fully conversant with the intricacies of intellectual property law, including the protection of our national heritage and traditional knowledge. Social development and good governance, thus, demand a broad range of legal skills.

We also need to reform the legal profession and modernize our methods of work. We must embrace as a matter of urgency the new information technology and make our legal service easier and quicker.

It is necessary to reinforce the application of our code of ethics and strengthen the sanctions for delinquents and violators. Reforms across the entire breadth of our legal system are what are required to improve the quality of our legal system and strengthen the capability of the Ghanaian legal profession to face up to the exciting challenges ahead of it in our new democratic dispensation.

We have to design a positive organic policy against corruption, emphasizing clear rules and sustainable institutions that achieve sanction with justice.  Entrenching the rule of law is the overriding consideration of public policy in contemporary Ghana. And the rule of law requires that the criminal process, especially, is invoked against citizens not because of their political allegiance but because of their involvement in allegedly criminal activity.  

The consolidation of democracy and the promotion of constitutional rule demand also that we deal with some of the issues from our past that impede the sustainability of democracy and peace in the Ghana.

Originally published here.

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Oswald K. Seneadza

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History
Main article: History of Madagascar
As part of East Gondwana, the territory of Madagascar split from Africa approximately 160 million years ago; the island of Madagascar was created when it separated from the Indian subcontinent 80 to 100 million years ago. Most archaeologists estimate that the human settlement of Madagascar happened between 200 and 500 A.D., when seafarers from southeast Asia (probably from Borneo or the southern Celebes) arrived in outrigger sailing canoes. Bantu settlers probably crossed the Mozambique Channel to Madagascar at about the same time or shortly afterwards. However, Malagasy tradition and ethnographic evidence suggests that they may have been preceded by the Mikea hunter gatherers. The Anteimoro who established a kingdom in Southern Madagascar in the Middle Ages trace their origin to migrants from Somalia.
The written history of Madagascar begins in the 7th century, when Muslims established trading posts along the northwest coast. During the Middle Ages, the island’s kings began to extend their power through trade with their Indian Ocean neighbours, notably Arab, Persian and Somali traders who connected Madagascar with East Africa, the Middle East and India.
Large chiefdoms began to dominate considerable areas of the island. Among these were the Sakalava chiefdoms of the Menabe, centred in what is now the town of Morondava, and of Boina, centred in what is now the provincial capital of Mahajanga (Majunga). The influence of the Sakalava extended across what are now the provinces of Antsiranana, Mahajanga and Toliara. Madagascar served as an important transoceanic trading port for the east African coast that gave Africa a trade route to the Silk Road, and served simultaneously as a port for incoming ships.
The wealth created in Madagascar through trade created a state system ruled by powerful regional monarchs known as the Maroserana. These monarchs adopted the cultural traditions of subjects in their territories and expanded their kingdoms. They took on divine status, and new nobility and artisan classes were created. Madagascar functioned in the East African Middle Ages as a contact port for the other Swahili seaport city-states such as Sofala, Kilwa, Mombasa and Zanzibar.
European contact began in the year 1500, when the Portuguese sea captain Diogo Dias sighted the island after his ship separated from a fleet going to India. The Portuguese continued trading with the islanders and named the island So Loureno (St. Lawrence). In 1666, Franois Caron, the Director General of the newly formed French East India Company, sailed to Madagascar. The Company failed to establish a colony on Madagascar but established ports on the nearby islands of Bourbon and Ile-de-France (today’s Runion and Mauritius). In the late 17th century, the French established trading posts along the east coast.
The most famous pirate utopia is that of Captain Misson and his pirate crew, who allegedly founded the free colony of Libertatia in northern Madagascar in the late 17th century. From about 1774 to 1824, Madagascar was a favourite haunt for pirates, including Americans, one of whom brought Malagasy rice to South Carolina. Many European sailors were shipwrecked on the coasts of the island, among them Robert Drury, whose journal is one of the few written depictions of life in southern Madagascar during the 18th century. Sailors sometimes called Madagascar “Island of the Moon”.
Andrianampoinimerina
(1795-1819)
Radama I
(1810-1828)
Ranavalona I
(1828-1861)
Radama II
(1861-1863)
Rasoherina
(1863-1868)
Ranavalona II
(1868-1883)
Ranavalona III
(1883-1897)
Beginning in the 1790s, Merina rulers succeeded in establishing hegemony over most of the island, including the coast. In 1817, the Merina ruler and the British governor of Mauritius concluded a treaty abolishing the slave trade, which had been important in Madagascar’s economy. In return, the island received British military and financial assistance. British influence remained strong for several decades, during which the Merina court was converted to Presbyterianism, Congregationalism and Anglicanism.
With the domination of the Indian Ocean by the Royal Navy and the end of the Arab slave trade, the western Sakalava lost their power to the emerging Merina state. The Betsimisaraka of the east coast also unified, but this union soon faltered.
Queen Ranavalona I “the Cruel” (r. 1828-61) issued a royal edict prohibiting the practice of Christianity in Madagascar. By some estimates, 150,000 Christians died during the reign of Ranavalona. The island grew more isolated, and commerce with other nations came to a standstill.
France invaded Madagascar in 1883, in what became known as the first Franco-Hova War seeking to restore property that had been confiscated from French citizens. (Hova is one of three Merina classes: andriana aristocracy, hova common people, andevo slaves. The term hova was wrongly used by the French to mean Merina.) At the war’s end, Madagascar ceded Antsiranana (Diego Suarez) on the northern coast to France and paid 560,000 francs to the heirs of Joseph-Franois Lambert. In 1890, the British accepted the full formal imposition of a French protectorate.
In 1895, a French flying column landed in Mahajanga (Majunga) and marched to the capital, Antananarivo, where the city’s defenders quickly surrendered. Twenty French soldiers died fighting and 6,000 died of malaria and other diseases before the second Franco-Hova War ended.
After the conclusion of hostilities, in 1896 France annexed Madagascar. The 103-year-old Merina monarchy ended with the royal family being sent into exile in Algeria.
During World War II, Malagasy troops fought in France, Morocco, and Syria. Some leaders in Nazi Germany proposed deporting all of Europe’s Jews to Madagascar (the Madagascar Plan), but nothing came of this. After France fell to Germany, the Vichy government administered Madagascar. During the Battle of Madagascar, British troops occupied the island in 1942 to preclude its seizure by the Japanese, after which the Free French took over.
In 1947, with French prestige at low ebb, the Malagasy Uprising broke out. It was suppressed after over a year of bitter fighting, with 8,000 to 90,000 people killed. The French later established reformed institutions in 1956 under the Loi Cadre (Overseas Reform Act), and Madagascar moved peacefully towards independence. The Malagasy Republic was proclaimed on October 14, 1958, as an autonomous state within the French Community. A period of provisional government ended with the adoption of a constitution in 1959 and full independence on June 26, 1960. In 2006 the country experienced an attempted coup.
Politics
Main articles: Government of Madagascar and Politics of Madagascar
Although the present head of State has self-proclaimed himself, Madagascar is usually a semi-presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister of Madagascar is head of government, and of a pluriform[disambiguation needed] multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the Senate and the National Assembly. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.
The political situation in Madagascar has been marked by struggle for control. After Madagascar gained independence from France in 1960, assassinations, military coups and disputed elections featured prominently.
Didier Ratsiraka took power in a military coup in 1975 and ruled until 2001, with a short break when he was ousted in the early 1990s. When Marc Ravalomanana and Ratsiraka both claimed victory after presidential elections in December 2001, Ratsiraka’s supporters tried to blockade the capital, Antananarivo, which was pro-Ravalomanana. After eight months of sporadic violence with considerable economic disruption, a recount in April 2002 led the High Constitutional Court to pronounce Ravalomanana president, but it was not until July that Ratsiraka fled to France and Ravalomanana gained control of the country.
Internal conflict in Madagascar had been minimal in the years that followed and since 2002, Ravalomanana and his party, Tiako-I-Madagasikara (TIM), have dominated political life. In an attempt to restrict the power and influence of the president, the prime minister and the 150-seat parliament have been given greater power in recent years.
Tension since was generally associated with elections. A presidential election took place in December 2006 with some protests over worsening standards of living, despite a government drive to eradicate poverty. Calls by a retired army general in November 2006 for Ravalomanana to step down were said to have been ‘misinterpreted’ as a coup attempt.
2009 Malagasy protests
Main article: 2009 Malagasy protests
The latest, and ongoing, spate of violence pitted then-President Marc Ravalomanana against Andry Rajoelina, former mayor of the capital, Antananarivo. Since the power tussle started on 26 January, more than 170 people were killed. Rajoelina mobilized his supporters to take to the streets of Antananarivo to demand Ravalomanana’s ousting on the grounds of his alleged “autocratic” style of government.
Ravalomanana’s resignation
After losing support of the military and under intense pressure from Rajoelina, President Ravalomanana resigned on 17 March 2009. Ravalomanana assigned his powers to a military council loyal to himself headed by Vice-Admiral Hyppolite Ramaroson. The military called the move by Ravalomanana a “ploy” and said that it would support Rajoelina as leader. Rajoelina had already declared himself the new leader a month earlier and has since assumed the role of acting President. He has appointed Monja Roindefo as Prime Minister. Rajoelina announced that elections would be held in two years and that the constitution would be amended.
The European Union, amongst other international entities, has refused to recognize the new government, due to it being installed by force. The African Union, which proceeded to suspend Madagascar’s membership on 20 March and the Southern Africa Development Community both criticized the forced resignation of Ravalomanana. United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s spokesperson said he is “gravely concerned about the evolving developments in Madagascar”.
Provinces and regions
Main articles: Provinces of Madagascar and Regions of Madagascar
Madagascar is currently divided into six autonomous provinces (faritany mizakatena), and subdivided into 22 regions (faritra), the latter created in 2004. The regions will be the highest subdivision level when the provinces are dissolved in accordance with the results of the 4 April 2007 referendum, which means by 4 October 2009.
Antananarivo (1)
Analamanga
Bongolava
Itasy
Vakinankaratra
Antsiranana (2)
Diana
Sava
Fianarantsoa (3)
Amoron’i Mania
Atsimo-Atsinanana
Haute-Matsiatra
Ihorombe
Vatovavy-Fitovinany
Mahajanga (4)
Betsiboka
Boeny
Melaky
Sofia
Toamasina (5)
Alaotra Mangoro
Analanjirofo
Atsinanana
Toliara (6)
Androy
Anosy
Atsimo-Andrefana
Menabe
The regions are further subdivided into 116 districts, 1,548 communes, and 16,969 fokontany. The major cities have a special status as “commune urbaine”, at the same level as the districts.
Geography
Main article: Geography of Madagascar
Isalo National Park
At 587,000 square kilometres (227,000 sq mi), Madagascar is the world’s 46th-largest country and the fourth largest island. It is slightly bigger than France, and is one of 11 distinct physiographic provinces of the South African Platform physiographic division.
Towards the east, a steep escarpment leads from the central highlands down into a ribbon of rain forest with a narrow coastal further east. The Canal des Pangalanes is a chain of natural and man-made lakes connected by canals that runs parallel to the east coast for some 460 km (286 mi) (about two-thirds of the island). The descent from the central highlands toward the west is more gradual, with remnants of deciduous forest and savanna-like plains (which in the south and southwest, are quite dry and host spiny desert and baobabs). On the west coast are many protected harbours, but silting is a major problem caused by sediment from the high levels of erosion inland.
Along the crest of this ridge lie the central highlands, a plateau region ranging in altitude from 2,450 to 4,400 ft (747 to 1,341 m) above sea level. The central highlands are characterised by terraced, rice-growing valleys lying between barren hills. Here, the red laterite soil that covers much of the island has been exposed by erosion, showing clearly why the country is often referred to as the “Red Island”.
The island’s highest peak, Maromokotro, at 2,876 metres (9,440 ft), is found in the Tsaratanana Massif, located in the far north of the country. The Ankaratra Massif is in the central area south of the capital Antananarivo and hosts the third highest mountain on the island, Tsiafajavona, with an altitude of 2,642 metres (8,670 ft). Further south is the Andringitra massif which has several peaks over 2,400 metres (7,900 ft) including the second and fourth highest peaks, Pic Imarivolanitra, more widely known as Pic Boby (2,658 metres/8,720 feet), and Pic Bory (2,630 metres/8,600 feet). Other peaks in the massif include Pic Soaindra (2,620 metres/8,600 feet) and Pic Ivangomena (2,556 metres/8,390 feet). This massif also contains the Andringitra Reserve. On very rare occasions, this region experiences snow in winter due to its high altitude.
There are two seasons: a hot, rainy season from November to April, and a cooler, dry season from May to October. South-eastern trade winds predominate, and the island occasionally experiences cyclones.
Ecology
Main articles: Fauna of Madagascar, Ecoregions of Madagascar, and Agroecology in Madagascar
Tsingy in Madagascar
Madagascar’s long isolation from the neighboring continents has resulted in a unique mix of plants and animals, many found nowhere else in the world; some ecologists refer to Madagascar as the “eighth continent”. Of the 10,000 plants native to Madagascar, 90% are found nowhere else in the world. Madagascar’s varied fauna and flora are endangered by human activity, as a third of its native vegetation has disappeared since the 1970s, and only 18% remains intact. Since the arrival of humans 2000 years ago, Madagascar has lost more than 90% of its original forest. The elephant birds, which were giant ratites native to Madagascar, have been extinct since at least the 17th century. Aepyornis was the world’s largest bird, believed to have been over 3 metres (10 ft) tall.
Most lemurs are listed as endangered or threatened species. Many species have gone extinct in the last centuries, mainly due to habitat destruction and hunting.
The eastern, or windward side of the island is home to tropical rainforests, while the western and southern sides, which lie in the rain shadow of the central highlands, are home to tropical dry forests, thorn forests, and deserts and xeric shrublands. Madagascar’s dry deciduous rain forest has been preserved generally better than the eastern rainforests or the high central plateau, presumably due to historically low population densities. Madagascar has several national parks.
The Indri is 1 of 99 recognized species and subspecies of lemur found only in Madagascar.
Extensive deforestation has taken place in parts of the country, some due to mining operations. Slash-and-burn activity, locally called tavy, has occurred in the eastern and western dry forests as well as on the central high plateau, reducing certain forest habitat and applying pressure to some endangered species. Slash-and-burn is a method sometimes used by shifting cultivators to create short-term yields from marginal soils. When practiced repeatedly without intervening fallow periods, the nutrient-poor soils may be exhausted or eroded to an unproductive state. The resulting increased surface runoff from burned lands has caused significant erosion and resulting high sedimentation to western rivers.
As a part of conservation efforts, the Wildlife Conservation Society has recently opened a Madagascar! exhibit at the Bronx Zoo. The New York Academy of Sciences recently published a Podcast about the Madagascar! exhibit, which details the fauna and flora of Madagascar and what types of projects the WCS is involved with in the country. The Podcast can be listened to here
Madagascar is represented in the FIPS 10-4 geographical encoding standard by the symbol MA.
Economy
Main article: Economy of Madagascar
Antananarivo is the political and economic capital of Madagascar
Agriculture, including fishing and forestry, is a mainstay of the economy. Major exports are coffee, vanilla (Madagascar is the world’s largest producer and exporter of vanilla), sugarcane, cloves, cocoa, rice, cassava (tapioca), beans, bananas, peanuts and livestock products. Vanilla has historically been of particular importance, and when in 1985 Coca-cola switched to New Coke which involved less vanilla, Madagascar’s economy took a marked downturn, but returned to previous levels after the return of Coke Classic.
Structural reforms began in the late 1980s, initially under pressure from international financial institutions, notably the World Bank. An initial privatization program (19881993) and the development of an export processing zone (EPZ) regime in the early 1990s were key milestones in this effort. A period of significant stagnation from 1991 to 1996 was followed by five years of solid economic growth and accelerating foreign investment, driven by a second wave of privatizations[citation needed] and EPZ development. Although structural reforms advanced, governance remained weak and perceived corruption in Madagascar was extremely high. During the period of solid growth from 1997 to 2001, poverty levels remained stubbornly high, especially in rural areas. A six-month political crisis triggered by a dispute over the outcome of the presidential elections held in December 2001 virtually halted economic activity in much of the country in the first half of 2002. Real GDP dropped 12.7% for the year 2002, inflows of foreign investment dropped sharply, and the crisis tarnished Madagascar’s budding reputation as an AGOA standout and a promising place to invest. After the crisis, the economy rebounded with GDP growth of over 10% in 2003. Currency depreciation and rising inflation in 2004 have hampered economic performance, but growth for the year reached 5.3%, with inflation reaching around 25% at the end of the year. In 2005 inflation was brought under control by tight monetary policy of raising the Taux Directeur (central bank rate) to 16% and tightening reserve requirements for banks. Thus growth was expected to reach around 6.5% in 2005.
Following the 2002 political crisis, the government attempted to set a new course and build confidence, in coordination with international financial institutions and donors. Madagascar developed a recovery plan in collaboration with the private sector and donors and presented it at a “Friends of Madagascar” conference organized by the World Bank in Paris in July 2002. Donor countries demonstrated their confidence in the new government by pledging $1 billion in assistance over five years. The Malagasy Government identified road infrastructure as its principle priority and underlined its commitment to public-private partnership by establishing a joint public-private sector steering committee.
Rice paddies in Madagascar
In 2000, Madagascar embarked on the preparation of a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. The boards of the IMF and World Bank agreed in December 2000 that the country had reached the decision point for debt relief under the HIPC Initiative and defined a set of conditions for Madagascar to reach the completion point. In October 2004, the boards of the IMF and the World Bank determined that Madagascar had reached the completion point under the enhanced HIPC Initiative.
The Madagascar-U.S. Business Council was formed as a collaboration between the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and Malagasian artisan producers in Madagascar in 2002. The U.S.-Madagascar Business Council was formed in the United States in May 2003, and the two organisations continue to explore ways to work for the benefit of both groups.
The government of President Ravalomanana is aggressively seeking foreign investment and is tackling many of the obstacles to such investment, including combating corruption, reforming land-ownership laws, encouraging study of American and European business techniques, and active pursuit of foreign investors. President Ravalomanana rose to prominence through his agro-foods TIKO company, and is known for attempting to apply many of the lessons learned in the world of business to running the government. Some recent concerns have arisen about the conflict of interest between his policies and the activities of his firms. Most notable among them the preferential treatment for rice imports initiated by the government in late 2004 when responding to a production shortfall in the country.
Madagascar’s sources of growth are tourism; textile and light manufacturing exports (notably through the EPZs); agricultural products; and mining. Madagascar is the world’s leading producer of vanilla and accounts for about half the world’s export market. Tourism targets the niche eco-tourism market, capitalizing on Madagascar’s unique biodiversity, unspoiled natural habitats, national parks and lemur species. Exports from the EPZs, located around Antananarivo and Antsirabe, comprise the majority of garment manufacture, targeting the US market under AGOA and the European markets under the Everything But Arms (EBA) agreement. Agricultural exports consist of low-volume high-value products like vanilla, litchies and essential oils. A small but growing part of the economy is based on mining of ilmenite, with investments emerging in recent years, particularly near Tulear and Fort Dauphin. Mining corporation Rio Tinto Group expects to begin operations near Fort Dauphin in 2008, following several years of infrastructure preparation. The mining project is highly controversial, with Friends of the Earth and other environmental organizations filing reports to detail their concerns about effects on the local environment and communities.
Autoclave enters Madagascar, 2008, as part of new mining operation
Several major projects are underway in the mining and oil and gas sectors that, if successful, will give a significant boost to the Malagasy economy.
In the mining sector, these include the development of coal at Sakoa and nickel near Tamatave. In oil, Madagascar Oil is developing the massive onshore heavy oil field at Tsimiroro and ultra heavy oil field at Bemolanga.
Foreign relations
Main article: Foreign relations of Madagascar
Madagascar was historically perceived as being on the margin of mainstream African affairs despite being a founding member of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which was founded in 1963. President Albert Zafy, taking office in 1993, expressed his desire for diplomatic relations with all countries. Early in his tenure, he established formal ties with South Korea and sent emissaries to Morocco.
Starting in 1997, globalisation encouraged the government and President Ratsiraka to adhere to market-oriented policies and to engage world markets. External relations reflect this trend, although Madagascar’s physical isolation and strong traditional insular orientation have limited its activity in regional economic organizations and relations with its East African neighbours. It enjoys closer and generally good relations with its Indian Ocean neighbours Mauritius, Runion and Comoros. Active relationships with Europe, especially France, Germany, and Switzerland, as well as with Britain, Russia, Japan, India and China have been strong since independence. More recently, President Ravalomanana has cultivated strong links with the United States, and Madagascar was the first country to benefit from the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA). Madagascar is also a member of the International Criminal Court with a Bilateral Immunity Agreement of protection for the US-military (as covered under Article 98).
The OAU dissolved in 2002 and was replaced by the African Union. Madagascar was not permitted to attend the first African Union summit due to the dispute over the results of the election in December 2001, but rejoined the African Union in July 2003 after a 14-month hiatus triggered by the 2002 political crisis. However, Madagascar was suspended again by the African Union in March 2009 due to the ongoing political crisis.
During his presidency, Marc Ravalomanana traveled widely promoting Madagascar abroad and consciously sought to strengthen relations with Anglophone countries as a means of balancing traditionally strong French influence. He also cultivated strong ties with China during his tenure.
In November 2004, after an absence of almost 30 years, Madagascar re-opened its embassy in London. On 15 December 2004 the Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, announced the closure of the British embassy in Antananarivo to save 250,000 a year. He also announced an end to the government’s aid to Madagascar, the DFID-funded Small Grants Scheme. The embassy closed in August 2005 despite petitions and protests from African heads of state, a European commissioner, the Malagasy Senate, many British companies, 30 or so NGOs operating in Madagascar, and members of the public.[citation needed]
The British Embassy was previously closed (also for financial reasons) from 1975 to 1980. The Anglo-Malagasy Society are campaigning to have it re-opened.
Demographics
Main article: Demographics of Madagascar
Antananarivo, Madagascar
Madagascar’s population is predominantly of mixed Austronesian (i.e.South-East Asian/Pacific Islander) and African origin. Those who are visibly Austronesian in appearance and culture are the minority, found mostly in the highland regions. Recent research suggests that the island was uninhabited until Austronesian seafarers arrived about 1,500 to 2,000 years ago. Recent DNA research shows that the Malagasy people are approximately of half Austronesian and half East African descent, although some Arab, Indian and European influence is present along the coast. Malagasy language shares some 90% of its basic vocabulary with the Ma’anyan language from the region of the Barito River in southern Borneo.
Subsequent migrations from the East Indies and Africa consolidated this original mixture, and 36 separate tribal groups emerged. Austronesian features are most predominant in the Merina (3 million) ; the coastal people (called ctiers) are of more clearly African origin. The largest coastal groups are the Betsimisaraka (1.5 million) and the Tsimihety and Sakalava (700,000 each). The Vezo live in the southwest. Two of the southern tribes are the Antandroy and the Antanosy. Other tribes include Tankarana (northern tip), Sihanaka and Bezanozano (east), Tanala (south-east), An-Taimoro, Tambahoaka, Zafisoro, An-Taisaka and Timanambondro (south-east coast), and Mahafaly and Bara (south-west). Chinese and Indian minorities also exist, as well as Europeans, mostly French. The number of Comorans residing in Madagascar was drastically reduced after anti-Comoran rioting in Mahajanga in 1976.
During the French colonial administration (18951960) and some time after independence, people were officially classified in ethnic groups. This practice was abandoned in the first census (1975) after independence, so any recent classification and figures for ethnic groups is an unofficial estimate. There is for instance no mention of ethnicity or religion in the national identity cards. Also, territorial divisions (provinces, regions) do not follow any ethnic division lines, despite an attempt by the colonial administration in the early 20th century. Ethnic divisions continue, and may cause violence, but their role is limited in today’s society. Ethnic tensions in Madagascar often produce violent conflict between the Merina highlanders and coastal peoples. Regional political parties are also rare, although some parties receive most of their support in certain areas.
Only two general censuses, 1975 and 1993, have been carried out after independence.
In 1993 (last census) there were 18,497 foreign residents on Madagascar, or 0.15% of the population.
Health
The fertility rate is at about 5 children per woman. There are about 29 physicians per 100,000 persons. Infant mortality was at 74 per 1,000 live births in 2005. Life expectancy at birth was at 58.4 in the early 21st century. Expenditure on health was 29 US$ (PPP) in 2004.
Language
Main article: Languages of Madagascar
The Malagasy language is of Malayo-Polynesian origin and is generally spoken throughout the island. Madagascar is a francophone country, and French is spoken among the educated population of this former French colony. English, although still rare, is becoming more widely spoken, and in 2003, the government began a pilot project of introducing the teaching of English into the primary grades of 44 schools, with hopes of taking the project nationwide. Many Peace Corps volunteers are serving to further this effort and train teachers.
In the first Constitution of 1958, Malagasy and French were named the official languages of the Malagasy Republic.
No official languages were recorded in the Constitution of 1992. Instead, Malagasy was named the national language; however, many sources still claimed that Malagasy and French were official languages, as they were de facto. In April 2000, a citizen brought a legal case on the grounds that the publication of official documents in the French language only was unconstitutional. The High Constitutional Court observed in its decision that, in the absence of a language law, French still had the character of an official language.
In the Constitution of 2007, Malagasy remains the national language while official languages are reintroduced: Malagasy, French, and English. The motivation for the inclusion of English is partly to improve relations with the neighbouring countries where English is used and to encourage foreign direct investment.
Culture
Main article: Culture of Madagascar
Malagasy culture reflects a blend of Southeast Asian, Arab, African and European influences. Houses in Madagascar are typically four-sided with a peaked roof, in a style commonly seen in Southeast Asia, rather than the circular style of hut construction more commonly found in Eastern Africa. Rice forms the basis of every meal in most parts of the country as in Asia. The dishes prepared to accompany the rice vary depending on local availability of food products and are known as laoka.
Arab influence
Arab immigrants were few in number compared to the Indonesians and Bantus, but they left a lasting impression. The Malagasy names for seasons, months, days, and coins are Arabic in origin, as is the practice of circumcision, the communal grain pool, and different forms of salutation. The Arab magicians, known as the ombiasy, established themselves in the courts of many Malagasy tribal kingdoms. Arab immigrants imposed the patriarchal system of family and clan rule on Madagascar. Previous to the Arabs, the Malagasies practiced the Polynesian matriarchal system whereby rights of privilege and property are conferred equally on men and women.
Education
A significant proportion of the adult population are illiterate. The female youth literacy rate is below the male youth literacy rate. Public expenditure on education was at 16.4 % of total government expenditure in the 2000-2007 period. Public current expenditure on primary education per pupil is at about US$ 57 (PPP). Madagascar has several universities.
Cuisine
Main article: Cuisine of Madagascar
Music
Main article: Music of Madagascar
Madagascar has a distinctive and rich musical heritage. The early Austronesian settlers brought with them the predecessor to the bamboo tube zither known as the valiha as well as other instruments that would form the basis for traditional Malagasy music. The influence of Africans is evident in certain drumming and polyharmonic singing styles, while the tendency toward minor chords along the coasts reflects an Arab musical influence. European pirates likewise contributed to Malagasy musical traditions, importing the guitar, accordion, piano and the instruments used in hiragasy performance including the violin, trumpet and clarinet.
Mythology
Main article: Malagasy mythology
The country has a rich oratory tradition in the form of hainteny, kabary and ohabolana. An epic poem, the Ibonia, has been handed down over the centuries in several different forms across the island and showcases the lively and highly developed oral traditions of Madagascar.
Hainteny
Main article: hainteny
The zebu, or humped cattle, occupies an important place in traditional Malagasy culture. The animal can take on sacred importance and constitutes the wealth of the owner, a tradition originating on the African mainland. Cattle rustling, originally a rite of passage for young men in the plains areas of Madagascar where the largest herds of cattle are kept, has become a dangerous and sometimes deadly criminal enterprise as herdsmen in the Southwest attempt to defend their cattle with traditional spears against increasingly armed professional rustlers. Where African influences are strongest, as in the Southern region around Tulear, wealth and social status are measured in cattle, and the zebu can outnumber the inhabitants by two or three to one. Zebu are a popular motif on aloalo, the carved wooden poles that decorate tombs among some tribes in the southwestern part of the country.
Andrianampoinimerina (circa 17451810) united the Merina kingdom, moving his capital from Ambohimanga to Antananarivo and building his royal palace, or rova, on a strategic location on the highest hilltop overlooking the city. A number of cultural traditions, including the kabary and the hiragasy, were popularized during the period of his administration.
Religion
Main article: Religion in Madagascar
Traditional religion
Main article: Malagasy mythology
Approximately 50% of the country’s population practice traditional religion, which tends to emphasize links between the living and the dead. The Merina in the highlands particularly tend to hold tightly to this practice. They believe that the dead join their ancestors in the ranks of divinity and that ancestors are intensely concerned with the fate of their living descendants. The Merina and Betsileo reburial practice of famadihana, or “turning over the dead”, celebrates this spiritual communion. In this ritual, relatives’ remains are removed from the family tomb, rewrapped in new silk shrouds, and returned to the tomb following festive ceremonies in their honor where sometimes the bodies are lifted and carried high above the celebrants heads with singing and dancing before returning them to the tomb.
Traditionally, the Malagasy hold their ancestors in high esteem and many believe they continue to intervene in events on Earth after their death. A powerful individual may establish a fady (taboo) in his or her lifetime that all their descendents or those of community members will be required to respect well after their death, meaning that when traveling in Madagascar it is advisable to seek out village elders or authorities and inquire into local fady in order not to inadvertently transgress and offend the local population. This veneration of ancestors has also lead to the tradition of tomb building and the famadihana, a practice whereby a deceased family member’s remains may be taken from the tomb to be periodically re-wrapped in fresh silk shrouds before being replaced in the tomb. The event is an occasion to celebrate the loved one’s memory, reunite with family and community, and enjoy a festive atmosphere. Residents of surrounding villages are often invited to attend the party, where food and rum are often served and a hiragasy troupe or other musical entertainment is typically present.
Christianity
Main article: Roman Catholicism in Madagascar
See also: Ranavalona I#Christian persecution
Roman Catholic cathedral in Antsirabe.
Today about 45% of the Malagasy are Christian, divided almost evenly between Catholics and Protestants. Many incorporate the cult of the dead with their other religious beliefs and bless their dead at church before proceeding with the traditional burial rites. They also may invite a Christian minister to attend a famadihana. Many of the Christian churches are influential in politics. The best example of this is the Malagasy Council of Churches (FFKM) comprising the four oldest and most prominent Christian denominations(Roman Catholic, Church of Jesus Christ in Madagascar, Lutheran, and Anglican). In the 19th century under Queen Ranavalona I, there was infamous persecution and mass extermination of Christians.
Islam
Main article: Islam in Madagascar
Islam in Madagascar constitutes about 7% of the population. The Arab and Somali Muslim traders who first brought Islam in the Middle Ages had a deep influence on the west coast. For example, many Malagasy converted to Islam and the Malagasy language was, for the first time, transcribed into an alphabet, based on the Arabic alphabet, called Sorabe. Muslims are concentrated in the provinces of Mahajanga and Antsiranana (Diego Suarez). Muslims are divided between those of Malagasy ethnicity, Indians, Pakistanis and Comorians.
Hinduism
Main article: Hinduism in Madagascar
Hinduism in Madagascar began with Gujarati from the Saurashtra region of India as far back as 1900, when Madagascar was a French colony. Most Hindus in Madagascar speak Gujarati or Hindi.
International rankings
Organization
Survey
Ranking
Institute for Economics and Peace
Global Peace Index
72 out of 144
United Nations Development Programme
Human Development Index
145 out of 182
Transparency International
Corruption Perceptions Index
99 out of 180
World Economic Forum
Global Competitiveness Report
121 out of 133
See also
Main articles: Outline of Madagascar and Index of Madagascar-related articles
Military of Madagascar
Transport in Madagascar
Communications in Madagascar
Malagasy diplomatic missions
Firaisan’ny Skotisma eto Madagasikara
References
^ “Malagasy” is the correct form in English; Embassy of Madagascar, Washington D.C. “Madagascan” is used only for the island, not its people National Geographic Style Manual
^ Central Intelligence Agency (2009). “Madagascar”. The World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ma.html. Retrieved January 9, 2010. 
^ a b c d “Madagascar”. International Monetary Fund. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2009/02/weodata/weorept.aspx?sy=2006&ey=2009&scsm=1&ssd=1&sort=country&ds=.&br=1&c=674&s=NGDPD,NGDPDPC,PPPGDP,PPPPC,LP&grp=0&a=&pr.x=54&pr.y=18. Retrieved 2009-10-01. 
^ Human Development Indices, Table 3: Human and income poverty, p. 35. Retrieved on 1 June 2009
^ BBC NEWS | Science/Nature | Giant palm tree puzzles botanists
^ Malagasy languages, Encyclopdia Britannica
^ Migration from Kalimantan to Madagascar by O. C. Dahl
^ Archaeology, Language, and the African Past by Roger Blench
^ The African diaspora in the Indian Ocean By Shihan de S. Jayasuriya, Richard Pankhurst pg 82
^ “Background Note: Madagascar”. U.S. Department of State. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5460.htm. Retrieved 2008-08-12. 
^ Cities of the Middle East and North Africa By Michael Dumper, Bruce E. Stanley, Janet L. Abu-Lughod pg 391
^ Kingdoms of Madagascar: Maroserana and Merina
^  ”Madagascar”. Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. 1913. http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Catholic_Encyclopedia_(1913)/Madagascar. 
^ Vincent, Rose (1990). The French in India: From Diamond Traders to Sanskrit Scholars. Popular Prakashan. ISBN 0-8613-2259-2. 
^ From MADAGASCAR to the MALAGASY REPUBLIC, by Raymond K. Kent pg 6571
^ Madagascar: An Historical and Descriptive Account of the Island and Its Former Dependencies by Samuel Pasfield Oliver., p. 6. (excerpted in Google Book Search)
^ Ranavalona I (Merina queen). Britannica Online Encyclopedia.
^ Keith Laidler. Female Caligula. Ranavalona, the Mad Queen of Madagascar. Wiley (2005) ISNB -13 978-0-470-02223-8 (HB). 
^ (French) 1947 L’insurrection Madagascar – Jean Fremigacci – Marianne[dead link]
^ a b IRIN Africa | Southern Africa | Madagascar | MADAGASCAR: ‘Violence could escalate’ | Governance Conflict | News Item
^ IRIN Africa | Southern Africa | Madagascar | MADAGASCAR: Former president sentenced to five years in prison | Governance | News Item
^ IRIN Africa | Southern Africa | Madagascar | MADAGASCAR: Hoping for fair, transparent, uncontroversial elections | Economy Governance Other | Feature
^ IRIN Africa | Southern Africa | Madagascar | MADAGASCAR: Appeal launched despite political uncertainty | Children Economy Food Security Governance Health & Nutrition Conflict …
^ a b Corbett, Christina; McGreal, Chris (18 March 2009). “Madagascar’s president resigns as rival claims power”. The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/mar/18/madagascar-marc-ravalomanana. 
^ a b c “Military backs Madagascar rival”. BBC News. 17 March 2009. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7949596.stm. 
^ “Madagascan opposition takes over prime minister’s office”. Xinhua. 14 March 2009. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-03/14/content_11011120.htm. 
^ “Madagascar President Resigns”. Voice of America. http://www.voanews.com/english/2009-03-16-voa65.cfm. Retrieved 2009-03-17. 
^ African Union suspends Madagascar over ‘coup’ – Africa, World – The Independent
^ (UPDATE) Army puts Madagascar opposition leader in charge | Home >> Other Sections >> Breaking News
^ The Eighth Continent: Life, Death, and Discovery in the Lost World of Madagascar
^ a b “Science News: New Genus of Self-destructive Palm found in Madagascar”. Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. http://www.kew.org/scihort/news/new_palm_genus.html. Retrieved 2008-01-30. 
^ Terrestrial Ecoregions — Madagascar subhumid forests (AT0118), National Geographic.
^ Davies, S. J. J. F. (2003)
^ Lemurs Hunted, Eaten Amid Civil Unrest, Group Says. National Geographic News. August 21, 2009.
^ Science & the City | Public Gateway to the New York Academy of Sciences
^ “Independent States in the World”. United States Department of State. 2008-03-20. http://www.state.gov/s/inr/rls/4250.htm. Retrieved 2008-05-24. 
^ Madagascar – Country Facts- Goway Travel Experiences
^ “Made in Madagascar: Exporting Handicrafts to the U.S. Market: a Project with the UN Public-Private Alliance for Rural Development; Final Report”, A Project with the UN Public-Private Alliance for Rural Development.
^ Madagascar – Mining: Heavy Minerals Mining
^ Rio Tinto’s Madagascar mining project
^ “Africa rejects Madagascar ‘coup’” bbc.co.uk 20 March 2009 Link accessed 20 March 2009
^ U.S. Library of Congress,”Madagascar – Minorities”
^ L’ethnicisation des rapports sociaux Madagascar
^ “Ethnic strife rocks Madagascar”. BBC News. May 14, 2002.
^ a b c d e f g http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_MDG.html
^ “Le malgache et le franais sont les langues officielles de la Rpublique Malgache.” Constitution, Titre I, Art. 2; Constitutional Law 14 October 1958.
^ Haute Cour Constitutionnelle De Madagascar, Dcision n03-HCC/D2 Du 12 avril 2000
^ Madagascar adopts English as official language, ClickAfrique.com, 10 April 2007.
^ a b http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/madagascar_statistics.html
^ Madagascar and Africa III. The Anteimoro: A Theocracy in Southeastern Madagascar, by R. K. Kent The Journal of African History 1969 pg 62
^ “Vision of Humanity”. Vision of Humanity. http://www.visionofhumanity.org/gpi/home.php. Retrieved 2010-02-04. 
External links
Find more about Madagascar on Wikipedia’s sister projects:
Definitions from Wiktionary
Textbooks from Wikibooks
Quotations from Wikiquote
Source texts from Wikisource
Images and media from Commons
News stories from Wikinews
Learning resources from Wikiversity
Government
The Madagascar Government
National Assembly of Madagascar
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Madagascar
Embassies and Consulates
Canada Hungary Washington DC
Chief of State and Cabinet Members, from CIA
General information
Country Profile from BBC News
Madagascar entry at The World Factbook
Madagascar from UCB Libraries GovPubs
Madagascar at the Open Directory Project
Wikimedia Atlas of Madagascar
Madagascar travel guide from Wikitravel
News media
Madagascar Humanitarian news and analysis from IRIN United Nations
Madagascar news headline links from allAfrica.com
Ecology
Madagascar’s National Parks and Reserves official park website
Conservation International Madagascar overview pages
Madagascar Wildlife Conservation MWC is a Malagasy non-profit association, which organises and pursues community-based conservations projects
New York Academy of Sciences Conserving Madagascar Podcast by Helen Crowley
Madagascar conservation story
Journal Madagascar Conservation & Development
Miscellaneous
The Madagascar Project, Project set up to help Malagasy communities tackle the causes and effects of poverty
Old maps of Madagascar by CEGET library (CNRS, France)
Azafady UK charity and Malagasy NGO working in southeast Madagascar to alleviate poverty, improve well-being and protect beautiful unique environments with the help of its award winning volunteering programmes.
Shama Foundation of Madagascar charitable organization providing scholarships for underprivileged students in Madagascar
Opinions of La Haute Cour Constitutionelle du Madagascar
Blue Ventures award winning not-for-profit organisation dedicated to facilitating projects and expeditions that enhance global marine conservation and research. Based in Andavadoaka, South West coast of Madagascar.
Foko-madagascar not-for-profit organization and Rising Voices grantee project dedicated to the use of ICT as a tool to promote sustainable development, especially combining human development and the protection of the environment.
WildMadagascar.org Overview, news, photos, cultural history. English and French
Madagascar Photos Madagascar
The Palmarium reserve, is situated on the East coast of Madagascar.
Keelonga, keelonga is an organisation dedicated to assisting rural primary schools with infrastructures and teachers
 
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Cry Freedom
Rodrigues Island: Case for Self-Determination

Three hundred years ago, men and women in flesh and bone, were kidnapped from their villages in Guinea; trapped and captured like animals in Senegal; ripped from their families in Mozambique; herded aboard slave ships in Madagascar, and shipped across the Indian Ocean to this part of the World. Those who survived ended their days, labouring like beasts of burden for foreign masters. They would never see Africa again. To the rest of the world, these unfortunate individuals lend a human face to the dark-end of a fading history; to us Rodriguans, they were much more — they were our great great … grand fathers and mothers.

Historical Perspective

To get to the inmost heart of our liberation struggle from Mauritius, it is sufficiently important to briefly revisit Rodrigues’ timeline. There are differing versions of history. We have the slave-driver’s version according to the slave-driver; we have the slave’s version according to the slave; we have the versions of those who see world conquest as Jus ad bellum (just cause for war) and the versions of those who do not. From this hazy distance, when we search for a truth buried somewhere in a dead past, among so many other diluted, distorted and deformed half-truths — we can only take a leap of faith.

The name Rodrigues was eponymously plucked from Diego Rodriguez, a Portuguese sailor whose brief visit in 1528 heralded the coming of the Europeans. There is some evidence that Chinese Mariners, Arab and Malay traders, and Pirates may have stumbled on the island as far back as the tenth century. No record of any indigenous population exists. By 1638, a council on nearby Reunion Island was already administering Rodrigues as a French possession. It remained a French colony until British troops stormed the island in 1809. It was then governed as a separate British territory until May 30, 1814, when its administration was transferred to Mauritius.

During the Second World War, 300 of our compatriots, my father among them, from our tiny active population, supported the British in Tobruk and El Alamein.
Yet, in March 1968, we were bound to Mauritius against our will, and marooned in the colonially imposed ‘forced marriage’ of unitary rule. Having offloaded Mauritius, the British in Rodrigues simply packed their bags, shot their dogs, and took off.

In effect, we became the whipping boy, left behind at the mercy of new masters, to foot the bill for the transgressions of others.

Our history has been one long painful struggle against non-consensual governments: from French possession, French colony, English possession, dependency of the colony of Mauritius, ‘district’ of Mauritius, to Island region of Mauritius today.
Neo-colonial labels replaced colonial tags; alien masters took over from foreign rulers, but for our people — the dysphoric cycle grinds on: Adieu l’esclavage — Bonjour l’esclavage (farewell slavery — good morning slavery.)
Political Domination

By 1960, the decolonization of Mauritius and Rodrigues islands had already been decided. When subsequent negotiations and constitutional conferences were held in London and Mauritius in 1961, ’65 and ’67, Rodriguans were deliberately excluded. The pretext was that we did not have any political parties or organizations.

During that epoch, the ultraconservative Mauritian party, PMSD (Parti Mauritian ‘Social Democrat’), had been running a campaign of scaremongering, along ethnic lines in Rodrigues. Besides promises of freedom, its leader, Duval, had managed to convince our people that the Devil and his Dam would descend on Rodrigues after the British pulled out. Not surprisingly, in their first contact with the ballot box in 1967, an overwhelming ninety-eight percent of Rodriguans voted against being attached to Mauritius. Sadly, the express views of our people did not take precedence over the urgent conspiracy to annex our homeland.

Of note, in 1967, Rodriguans were not offered a choice between freedom and colonialism; we had to face the horns of this dilemma: British colonization or Mauritian occupation … a foreign ruler or an alien master. Not too dissimilar to Indochina’s quandary: Japanese occupation or French colonization.

Rodriguans did not wish to continue living under a British heel, anymore than we craved the prospect of living under a Mauritian one. And we certainly did not fancy the idea of uprooting our families, leaving the bones of ten generations of our ancestors buried in Rodrigues, to sail into exile in foreign lands. Nonetheless, in those blood-curdling days in Mauritius, people were dying in the streets; we feared being carved up next. The chilling reality of the times saw many discard their possessions, homes and lands, to escape to Canada, Australia, France, England, South Africa and other parts of the World. For some, this still cuts close to the bone.

In 1968, before the ink was dry on a unilaterally drafted Independence constitution; baton-wielding police hoisted the Mauritian flag atop Port Mathurin under a cloud of tear-gas. Rodriguans became unwilling Mauritian citizens overnight. On occasions when our stout-hearted brothers and sisters resisted, British troops were summoned to put down our protest.

Admittedly, after the British left in 1968, our hands were not cut off. All the same, Rodrigues was reduced to a Mauritian fiefdom, where marginalization soon became institutionalized. We found ourselves with higher unemployment, higher cost of living, higher infant mortality, higher primary education drop-out rate and lower literacy and living standard than Mauritius. Discrimination, domination and exclusion became the norm. Today, force majeure continues to buttress the status quo.

In 1976, a separate ministry was set up to deal with Rodrigues’ specificities. So far, only a handful of ‘moderate’ Rodriguans, with their wings clipped, have ever been co-opted to this portfolio. What’s more, no Rodriguan has filled this post in the past ten years, and the likelihood of it ever being different, seems remote. Mauritian politicians arbitrarily choose the minister for Rodrigues and politically-appointed Mauritian bureaucrats govern Rodrigues by proxy — irrespective of our votes.

In 1991, when Rodriguans, had the temerity to demand more control over their own affairs, a token island Council was put in place to placate them. Fellow travellers and party hacks were handpicked and allowed to make recommendations on local matters. But, when the Council, though toothless, began to fuel nationalist pride among those with ‘ideas above their station’ — it was unceremoniously disbanded in 1996.

In 2001, following a long sustained struggle, the idea of Autonomy for the ethnically diverse people of Rodrigues, was first mooted. Finally, 170 years after the abolition of slavery, far reaching devolution from the centralized rigidities of Mauritian control came into sight … albeit briefly.

In 2002, after much fanfare, after the spin-doctors had recited their precision-tooled sound bites, after the pig-headed and the big-headed had had their photo opportunities — ‘Autonomy’ arrived. The names were changed from Island Council to Regional Assembly and from Councillors to Commissioners. A few buildings were erected here and there, a few factotums got to fly to Mauritius, there to sit, silent and still, on government back-benches and a plague of introduced Chameleons overran Rodrigues. That was roughly the extent of it.

Mauritian ministers continued to micro-manage our affairs and we got to elect the lackeys who run their errands. The central government retained all legislative and executive powers and practically everything else. Eventually, even its rusted-on supporters had to concede that our promised ‘Autonomy’ was a dud.

When we peek one inch beyond the chic sophistry, we see one people still ruling another, not only without that other’s consent — but against its will.
Loie sans partage (absolute rule) is alive and well in Rodrigues; it can be seen any day of the year, flexing its muscle and beating its chest in Port Mathurin.

At the risk of belabouring the obvious, one cannot consider limited administrative discretion to be Autonomy, anymore, than one can seriously consider a piglet to be an elephant.

The colonial legacy of authoritarian bureaucratic dictatorship was never dismantled in Rodrigues — it was reinforced. External bureaucratic-warlords command and our people obey without question. The chief of police, the judge, the minister for Rodrigues, all the principal heads of department, all the lawyers, all the policy makers, all those who actually govern Rodrigues — all come from Mauritius.

When our Creole language, in which is stored the experiences and struggles of our people, is spurned in our Assembly — when seventy percent of our people are disqualified from political office, because they do not speak a foreign language —
when half-nourished, half-educated and half-free schoolchildren are forced to learn three languages — when there is a dearth of educational material on our African culture in a curriculum designed for us, by others — when our children mimic cultures, beliefs, languages and traditions dissimilar to their own, in order to validate their sense of self-worth — when our civil service which represents ninety percent of our educated, is effectively gagged from political discourse — when our people speak of Independence in tentative muffled whispers, for fear of government spies — when everything is controlled by external forces, there is no freedom … only domination.
Constitutional guarantees of no ruling caste, of no second class citizens, of consent of the governed to govern, seem to apply to all, except in respect to Rodriguans.

The Rodriguan citizen is like a beleaguered character, hopelessly trapped inside an eternal nightmare of suppressed resentment, being forced to watch helplessly, as his culture crumbles into dust.

Mauritius speaks of human rights at the United Nations, pledges solidarity with SADC (Southern African Development Committee) and the African Union — yet retains its own Colonial Dominion. The double-edged morality is staggering.

Self-Determination

Much water and much blood have flowed into the Indian Ocean, since our brothers and sisters in Madagascar, India, Sri Lanka, Comoros, Africa, Maldives, Seychelles and Mauritius were freed (at least in theory) from the wretched web of Colonialism.
But for us Rodriguans, the on-going ignominy of Mauritian Occupation still haunts our daily lives.

In the 21st century, the island of Rodrigues, one of this regions’ last remaining manifestations of Colonialism has become the ‘sick man’ of the Indian Ocean, forever bonded to an artificial welfare drip, and still begging a foreign kleptocrat to let us go.

It is argued that because on May 30th 1814, Britain dubbed Rodrigues a dependency of the colony of Mauritius, and administered it as part of the island of Mauritius, it automatically became an integral and indivisible territory of Mauritius. Therefore, any dismemberment of territory before independence would have been illegal under international law.

If we follow this line of reasoning, then we also recognise that all colonially-imposed arrangements are forever binding on all future generations. And when this thinking is extended retrospectively, then, Mussolini’s 1936 laws could still be cited today, as justification to go on bedevilling the lives of Ethiopians, forever.

During Mad-Dog-Morgan’s governorship of Jamaica, looting and rape were the arrangements of the day. As one would reasonably expect, when Morgan the pirate left, his arrangements left with him. The British themselves snatched Rodrigues from the French at the point of a bayonet hooked-up to a gun; likewise, any arrangements they made during their rule became null and void — the very minute they left.

There was never any 11th Commandment, which accorded Britain divine-right to bequeath our lives, our lands and our country to Mauritius, for time without end.
Our people were not Mauritius’ or anyone else’s private property. We were not cattle to be handed over from one master to another to another.

Unitary rule was part and parcel of British colonial policy. As a result, despite underlying divisions among different geographical ethnic groups, territories were artificially forced into a unitary state. For example, New Zealand was administered as a dependency of the colony of New South Wales; islands of the Caribbean were grouped together willy-nilly; Seychelles was administered as part of Mauritius;
There were plans afoot to group all British East-African colonies under a federation. And it was only the selfless vetoes of India’s leaders that saved Burma from being administered as part of India. Unfortunately, Rodrigues did not have a Ghandi, or a Jinnah or a Nehru; we had Duval, demagoguery and double-cross a go-go.

The simple truth, however unpalatable, is when colonial rule ended in 1968, the island of Rodrigues had a population, and that island belonged to that population, and was not up for grabs.

On March 12th 1968, there should have been two proud islands, side by side, in free association, both celebrating their freedom. Alas, there was pride on one side of the Indian Ocean and humiliation on the other. On the gloomy anniversary of that miserable day, some Rodriguans still hold a minute’s silence … and remember.

The flaw in the dismemberment argument is that it is predicated on the false premise that Rodrigues was a legitimate territory of Mauritius prior to Independence. This was never the case. Mauritius never discovered a terra nullius Rodrigues; it never captured Rodrigues by conquest; the British never wrested Rodrigues from the French in 1814 simply to give it to Mauritius; Rodriguans never surrendered their individual sovereignty and their territorial integrity to a ‘Pax Mauritiana’ — Moreover, the Rodriguan nation never consented to be part of, or governed by Mauritius.

State sponsored propaganda, unremittingly repeated and embedded in school children as fact, is extremely difficult to unlearn. The untainted truth is Rodrigues was part of the British Empire until 1968; today, it is an annexed country under Occupation.
It is no more a territory of Mauritius, than Hercules is a son of Zeus.

Whether Britain gifted Rodrigues to Mauritius in 1968, as it gave Eritrea to Ethiopia or whether Mauritius opportunistically annexed it, is neither here nor there.
Whatever deal, whatever collusion took place between Britain and its Mauritian colonial minister, without our consent was illegal and immoral.
It was akin to a departing pirate rewarding his faithful slave, with a slave of his own.

It was the shameless advancement of one country’s territorial ambition at the expense of its neighbour. Mauritius added 130,000 miles of our EEZ (exclusive economic zone) to its territory, and our people lost their homeland and their dignity.
The United Kingdom, Mauritius and the International community clearly understand this, as I do, as you do, as we all do … It was wrong then — It is wrong now!

In 1968, our economic or political unpreparedness should never have been used as an excuse to deny us our independence. Mauritius should have been granted its own independence separately, as Northern Rhodesia was. Rodrigues should have been placed under the guardianship of the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations, as a non-self-governing territory. A pan-African commission or UN special committee for self-determination could then have put together a long term plan for Independence.

Under a mutually agreed-upon constitution, with suitable opt-out clauses, we could even have remained in free association with Mauritius, rather than being perpetually entrapped in the existing abomination, euphemistically known as ‘Autonomy’.

If historical debts, legal or at least moral responsibilities, abrogated in 1968, are made good to some extent, past injustices can be belatedly rectified. We remain hopeful.

It is not our lot in life, to be perpetually governed by other people. We did not accept non-consensual rule from France; we did not accept it from Britain — we will never accept it from Mauritius.

Ethnic Dilution

The majority of Mauritius’ 1.3 million population are descendants of Indian indentured labourers, mainly from Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, brought by the British to meet labour shortages on Sugar cane plantations; whereas, ninety-five percent of Rodrigues’ forty thousand strong population are direct descendants of African slaves.

We are as distinct, as say Mexicans and Kenyans. This ethnic heterogeneity differentiates the one island from the other.

Rodriguans are not an indigenous group or an ethno-national minority seeking piecemeal internal self-rule; we are a separate people with a fervent aspiration to self-determine our future. Our case for full sovereignty is an exceptionally strong one. More to the point, we can never give up our homeland — our forefathers paid too dear a price for it!

Until recently, Rodrigues’ small maximum carrying capacity (approx.50,000) and its geographical isolation, have managed to preserve its cultural identity to some extent. However, the past few years have seen Mauritians, in ever-increasing numbers, being fast-tracked onto crown land in Rodrigues.
If this trend (or government policy) continues, it is a mathematical certainty that it will dilute our ranks to a moribund minority. Much like mixing thirty bottles of beer with one bottle of lemonade — the lemonade disappears.

Once our culture, traditions, language, and way of life are gone; once we have lost our identity as a people; once our claim for sovereignty has been forever extinguished — we would have become a nation of semi-Slaves and half-repressed Serfs, stuck at the bottom-end of a Mauritian vertical class structure.

The once proud people of Rodrigues would have been reduced to a motley mob of untouchables, straw hats under the arm, bowing and scraping in the demimonde of Mauritian ghettos or eking out a living on the mountain ridges in Rodrigues.
We could never again aspire to be anything more than just half a people; we would be forever playing catch-up to other cultures. As a people, we would be dead.

For Rodriguans, this is an existential challenge. If we do not meet it, if we wait for the time that must come, we will surely follow the Dodo. This, I do not believe — I know.

Conclusion

The common Portuguese name Rodrigues (son of Rodrigo) was poorly chosen for us, by old masters, in evil times. Faced with being branded with it forever, even the Brotherhood of Goblins, Gnomes and Gremlins would be reaching for the AK47. Seriously though, ‘Rodrigues’ is an old relic, fossilized in another era, clearly disconnected from and incompatible with the essence of our people. And not to mention, the blood-spattered images of Portugal’s brutal savagery in this region, which the name evokes — It is time for our generation to give it (Rodrigues) back to history.

We have lost a country — our body politic is being trampled underfoot; the stench of humiliation is everywhere; cultural oblivion looms large, and yet, we are still blighted by a small clique of bloated puppets and ‘well-assimilated’ latter-day Uncle Toms, wanting us to accept foreign domination.

Strangers overseas, who we do not vote for and cannot remove, design our electoral systems and electoral boundaries, decide our laws, taxation, tariffs, decide our health, education, foreign and economic policies. Strangers, decide our children’s future –
Strangers decide — Strangers have been deciding for the best part of 300 years.

It is time — we decided! For, we too, have a brain and a backbone. Yes, it is true! We too, have dreams and hopes of our own.

It is time to cut the neo-colonial umbilical cord sharply adrift, to take active steps to decrease dependence on others, to believe that if we reduce our wants and work hard, that self-reliance is possible and indeed desirable.

It is time to stop depending on built-in assumptions, on ideas and systems that have been partly responsible for our ongoing subordination. It is time to try other ideas, other approaches, perhaps invent new ones which better adapt to our circumstances.
It is time to stop imitating others and trust in ourselves — for who we are, has worth.

Rodriguans are a resilient people. I say this, because contrary to popular belief, it is our people who have worked the land and fished the seas and kept farm animals and kept this small economy afloat — generation after generation. We have done it before, we are doing it now — we can do it better. Let’s not hesitate to continue drinking from the old well (the land and the sea), until the ghost of globalization arrives with the magic potion.

It is time to dump the usual too-poor, too-small, and not-yet-ready arguments. They are like bad records that have been played over and over again. They are intended to shackle rather than liberate. Fortunately, oppressed people the world over have ignored them, otherwise most islands in the Caribbean, Indian, Atlantic and Pacific, much of Africa and Asia, and possibly half the planet would still be under some form of colonial rule today. In any case, how large and how rich would a country need to be, for its people to qualify for their freedom? Moreover, who would decide?

Our leaders must re-connect with the poor and dispossessed in this country, re-establish links with our ethnic kin in Africa, re-organize our people at the grassroots and demand that which was stolen from us in 1968 … our Country.

Let us not be discouraged by the indifference of a dog-eat-dog McWorld, let us not dither, let us steel our resolve and demand our Independence. Let us speak of it proudly in every home, in every church, in every bazaar, in every fishing-post, on every farm, on every street-corner, on every bus and wherever or whenever our people meet.

Our task will not be without sacrifice, but if we turn our back on Independence now, we condemn our children to another 300 years of foreign domination. The alternative is simple: struggle or eternal subservience.

Our people have been the human Guinea pigs for some of the world’s most cold-blooded social experimentations. We have been at the painful-end of the whole monstrous gamut of Slavery, Colonialism, neo-Colonialism and ‘civilising missions’ of Missionaries. Despite the inhumanity, the degradation, the indignity; despite the loss of our grand African names, our sense of self, our traditional African clothing, our beliefs and our relationships with our kinfolk in Africa — we have already forgiven and moved on.

Perpetual domination is not a destination to where we want to lead our children, or as the late Pope John Paul II used to say to occupied people everywhere “you are not what they say you are; let me remind you who you really are …”
Our people have undergone a long-enough apprenticeship to be free. The time has come for us to climb out of the abyss of serfdom and view the world through our own eyes.

As children of this flying planet, it is our incontrovertible right to self-determine our own future; let us exercise that right and reclaim our heritage in the human family.

With this firm wish warming our hearts, with our heads held high — let us brace ourselves to face a hopeful future with fortitude.

Vive Rodrigues … Libre

Alain Leveque
September 07, 2006

Originally published here.

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Alain Leveque

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